“Either they will give us the government or we will take it through assuming control over Rome.”¹ On October 24, 1922, Benito Mussolini wrapped up his remarks at the National Fascist Party convention in Naples. It was not just an idle threat; he had called that particular rally to see how much support he could rely on if he exerted pressure on King Vittorio Emanuele III to secure his appointment to head a new government. The fact that he might receive what he desired in just six days had a favorable effect on him. Benito Mussolini’s rise to power in Italy is impressive for his ability to capitalize on widespread discontent, mobilize large segments of Italian society, and use unscrupulous political tactics to consolidate his control over the country. Mussolini seized power at a time of great political and economic instability in Italy. After World War I, the country was plagued by problems of high unemployment, inflation, and social tensions. In this context of crisis, many Italians were disillusioned with existing democratic institutions and sought a radical solution.

But how did he acquire all of this authority that enabled him to be received so well by that large crowd in Naples? The peasant class initially supported Mussolini, but he also obtained financial aid from the industrial classes, allowing Fascism to emerge even stronger. People saw Fascists as violent and arrogant, and as concerned with the beauty of battle, but those Fascists also possessed a charm that middle-class professionals found appealing. Many were inspired by Mussolini’s words and programs: he promised a bright future and a national power that had not yet been realized; most importantly, he demonstrated that the “red danger” could be destroyed. People wanted to believe in Mussolini because he was seen as the one who could save Italy from a communist revolution and postwar decay. As historian Charles Delzell wrote about the rise of Fascism: “Mussolini’s message won over many employers, who believed that the Fascists could keep militant labor at bay. Bands of Fascist thugs, known as squadristi, launched ‘punitive expeditions’ against Socialist and Catholic leagues of laborers and farmworkers. They beat some members with cudgels and forced castor oil down their throats. By official count, the Fascists destroyed 120 labor union offices and murdered 243 persons between January and May of 1921.”²

The March on Rome was the fruit of three years of violence and the consequence of a systematic campaign and effective propaganda. The Fascists were the most resolute, cruel, and ruthless players on the political scene in Italy, and therefore they were the strongest. The Fascists were not yet in charge of Italy, but they had already defeated their various opponents, starting with the communists and socialists, and also including the less radical moderates and Catholics. King Vittorio Emanuele III was aware of this, and he could have arrested Mussolini by calling in the army, but this would have caused a civil war, which he was not sure he could win. The king asked the victorious general of the Great War if he could count on the army. General Armando Diaz’s response was: “Certo, Maestà. Ma sarebbe meglio non metterlo alla prova,” which means “Of course, Your Majesty. But it would be better not to test it.”³ The army could not be counted on to hold back the Fascist wave.

The insurrection was led by four men, the so-called quadrumvirs; one of them was Italo Balbo, an interesting figure, as he was the most ruthless bruiser among the squadristi. On the eve of the March on Rome, Balbo explained Mussolini’s strategy for gaining power: “[T]he exaltation of power [is] the quickest and most definitive means to reach the revolutionary goal. There should be neither sentimentalism nor bourgeois hypocrisy in the face of the state’s ideal conquest: the rough and harsh action, carried out thoroughly, at any cost. We are the strongest because we are most decisive. And the strongest are always right.”⁴ This was the Fascist morality. The other quadrumvirs were Michele Bianchi, Emilio De Bono, and Cesare Maria De Vecchi. They were ready for great undertakings and they coordinated the squad of actions from the most beautiful hotel in Perugia, the Brufani. They continued to communicate from there with the squads that in 1922 took over prefectures, police headquarters, stations, post offices, and the capital. Mussolini decided to wait prudently for developments in the Popolo d’Italia editorial office in Milan. He did, however, spend the night at Soldo, a villa close to Lake Como on the Swiss border—a perfect getaway location in case his scheme fell apart.

People were fascinated by Mussolini above all for his charisma: Mussolini was a charismatic orator and skilled in communicating his political vision. He was seen as a strong and self-confident leader, capable of guiding Italy through difficult times. In a period of great political and economic instability, Mussolini promised stability and order. Many people were tired of the disorganization and political strife that characterized the post-war period and saw Mussolini as a leader capable of leading the country toward a better future. Furthermore, the Fascist regime promoted a strong feeling of nationalism and national pride, exploiting the patriotism of Italians. Mussolini was skilled at manipulating this sentiment, presenting himself as the defender of the Italian nation who promoted an image of greatness and power for Italy. This helped create a cult of personality around Mussolini and strengthened his appeal in the eyes of the public. “The regime was embraced by the masses in a rather ‘irrational and religious’ manner. A full-fledged lay religion was created around Mussolini. The myth of the Duce, along with that of ancient Rome, the empire, and the new Italian, was the expression of a political strategy that sought popular consensus based on an emotional and totally uncritical approach.”⁵

With so many people in favor of Mussolini and the leftist parties losing ground, all that remained was to overthrow the government. Early in October, Mussolini received an offer from Prime Minister Luigi Facta to join a coalition government. Mussolini rejected it; he desired to establish a new government rather than work within an existing one. Mussolini saw that Luigi Facta was a weak leader, so weak that when Mussolini set up his paramilitary force of Blackshirts, Facta did not attempt to stop him. In fact, on October 3, il Duce said: “If there was a government worthy of this name in Italy, today it should send its agents and carabinieri here, dissolve us and occupy our offices.”⁴ But none of that ever happened. Therefore, Mussolini felt even more entitled to keep going with his mission.

Despite the indication of intent and Mussolini’s speech in Naples, the Parlament reacted with incomprehensible calm, as if no serious incidents were happening. Luigi Facta took a cautious approach because certain politicians who had spoken with Mussolini verified his intention to march on Rome with the Fascist squadrons, the “Blackshirts.” The Fascists’ rapidity of action was crucial.

October 26 marked the start of the march, with Perugia serving as the initiative’s headquarters. The actions were managed from this location by the quadrumvirs that Mussolini had appointed a few days prior. About 20,000 Blackshirts made their way into the capital, protected by 28,400 soldiers, on October 27.⁷

On October 28, the government announced a state of siege at six in the morning. However, at eight-thirty in the morning, the king declined to countersign it, and Luigi Facta then resigned, leaving the nation without a functioning government and out of control. When the Blackshirts reached the capital and threatened to occupy the ministries, the king summoned Mussolini, who arrived in Rome by train.⁸

The king only formally assigned him the duty of creating a new coalition government after he arrived in Rome on October 30. That ambitious and violent man, who moved as if on a stage, busy playing a part in his interactions with others, appeared at his most significant recital, in front of the monarch, dressed in a black shirt, gray slacks, and green high boots. Their meeting lasted less than an hour; on the same day, Mussolini wrote a list of ministers before returning to the king at 7 p.m. Mussolini’s plot to intimidate the establishment and seize power by coercion had been successful. King Vittorio Emanuele III appointed the government to Mussolini. Officially, the Fascist regime had begun.⁹

Mussolini then delivered his famous inauguration speech before the Chamber of Deputies on November 16: “I could have established a government made up only of Fascists and prohibited Parliament. I could have, but, at least at that moment, I didn’t want to.”¹⁰ As a dictator, he was already displaying his immense authority and influence.