RESEARCH QUESTION
How does childhood exposure to interparental conflict influence the developmental normalization of physical aggression as a conflict-resolution tool in adult romantic relationships? Witnessing parent conflict at an early age can certainly influence how much a person can normalize abuse in their lives. Sometimes, we do not understand that an adult’s behavior is a reflection of what they must have endured or witnessed as children when they didn’t have the knowledge and maturity to understand what was going on around them.
LITERATURE REVIEW
The impact of interparental conflict on child development is a critical area of study because it forms the foundation for emotional regulation and social behavior. When children are repeatedly exposed to conflict not just between caregivers but also between parents, the resulting psychological strain extends beyond the home, affecting societal health and the quality of future adult relationships (Rhoades, 2008). Research into this variable is essential for identifying specific conflict dynamics, such as how a dispute ends or how the intensity of the emotions involved shapes a child’s internal world (Davies et al., 1996). By analyzing the mechanisms behind these responses, society can better understand the roots of domestic conflict and develop strategies to promote healthier family environments (Cummings et al., 1985). Societies thrive when individuals possess strong socio-emotional skills and the ability to resolve differences through constructive communication. However, chronic exposure to interparental conflict can compromise these skills, leading to increased aggression and poor adjustment in children (Cummings et al., 1985). This creates a significant ripple effect: children who struggle with emotional regulation often face difficulties in school and peer environments, potentially leading to long-term behavioral issues that strain social services and educational resources (Rhoades, 2008). Furthermore, the societal cost is high because children who observe aggressive conflict-resolution patterns at home are more likely to replicate those behaviors in their own social circles (Cummings et al., 1985). By understanding the distinctions of how adult conflict affects children, researchers can identify targeted interventions to nurture a resilient youth population (Davies et al., 1996). A significant finding in the literature is that the way a conflict concludes heavily dictates a child’s emotional response and subsequent sense of security. Davies, Myers, and Cummings (1996) demonstrated that children and adolescents are highly sensitive to the “emotionality” of conflict endings, rather than just the topic of the argument. Their research suggests that even if a conflict is supposedly “resolved,” the presence of persisting negative emotions continues to distress the child (Davies et al., 1996). This study highlights that the mere absence of shouting is not enough to protect a child’s well-being; the quality of the emotional reconciliation is what provides a sense of psychological safety (Davies et al., 1996). Studying this variable helps explain why children remain anxious in households where emotional tension remains high and unresolved (Davies et al., 1996; Rhoades, 2008). The immediate consequences of witnessing adult conflict often manifest as heightened distress and physical aggression. Cummings, Iannotti, and Zahn-Waxler (1985) found that even brief exposures to anger between adults can trigger significant emotional shifts in young children. These emotional shifts often lead to increased aggression during play with peers, as children begin to model the hostility they have observed (Cummings et al., 1985). The researchers noted that children as young as two years old showed clear distress and an inclination toward aggressive behavior following exposure to adult anger (Cummings et al., 1985). This transition from observation to action is a vital mechanism in the development of conduct problems (Rhoades, 2008). To stop the cycle of aggression before it becomes a permanent part of a child’s social identity, it is important to understand these patterns (Cummings et al., 1985). To understand the broader scope of this issue, researchers have looked at the combined effects of conflict on child adjustment over time. In a comprehensive meta-analysis, Rhoades (2008) confirmed that interparental conflict is consistently and significantly associated with a wide range of adjustment problems. This includes internalizing symptoms, such as depression and anxiety, as well as externalizing behaviors like delinquency (Rhoades, 2008). Rhoades’ work underscores that the variable of interparental conflict is a robust predictor of a child’s overall mental health trajectory across different developmental stages (Rhoades, 2008). Because the effects are so widespread, interparental conflict must be treated as a public health issue that requires as much attention as other forms of childhood adversity (Rhoades, 2008; Cummings et al., 1985). In conclusion, the study of how children respond to adult conflict is vital for understanding the roots of emotional maladjustment and social aggression. Previous research indicates that the emotional quality of conflict endings (Davies et al., 1996) and the immediate distress caused by adult anger (Cummings et al., 1985) are key mechanisms that drive long-term adjustment issues (Rhoades, 2008). By concentrating on these particular dynamics, society can advance towards a more proactive strategy for family health. toward a more proactive approach to family health.
METHODS
Data
The data come from the Crime, Health, and Intimate Partner Problems Survey (CHIPPS), a cross-sectional probability sample of St. Mary’s University undergraduate students (n = 250) designed to analyze differences in partner violence and religion. Students were randomly chosen via their student email. The survey was then disseminated via email so that participants could complete it on their computer or mobile device. Respondents were offered a $10 gift card to participate in the survey. Data was collected between Spring 2024 and Spring 2025.
Measures
Focal Variables
Partner Violence. To explore initial attitudes toward partner violence, respondents were asked, “Is it okay to hit your partner?” Answer options ranged from “Strongly disagree” = 0 to “Strongly agree” = 3. The variable was then dummy coded so that “Strongly disagree/disagree” = 0 and “Strongly agree/agree” = 1.
Parent Conflict. To gauge how many times respondents witnessed parent conflict, an ordinal question asking about it was used. This question asked, “When you were living at home with your parents, how much conflict did your parents have?” Respondents could choose “A Lot” = 1, “Some” = 2, “Not much” = 3, “Almost none” = 4, and “Too young to remember” = 5.
1. Table 1. Bivariate Analysis: CHIPPS, 2024-2025
| How much conflict parents had | Total | Test | |||
| A lot/Some | Not much/Almost none | Too young to remember | |||
| Individual Beat their Partner | p value: 0.1705 (Fisher’s Exact Test for Count Data) |
||||
| Strongly Disagree/Disagree | 148 (99.33%) | 85 (98.84%) | 10 (90.91%) | 243 (98.78%) | |
| Strongly Agree/Agree | 1 (0.67%) | 1 (1.16%) | 1 (9.09%) | 3 (1.22%) | |
| NA | 2 | 0 | 2 | 4 | |
| Total | 151 (60.40%) | 86 (34.40%) | 13 (5.20%) | 250 (100.00%) | |
RESULTS
Table 1 displays a bivariate analysis of the sample’s parent conflict, based on whether they agree or disagree that hitting a partner is okay. The chi-square test (0.1705) indicates that there is no significant relationship between parent conflict and attitudes toward IPV. As such, I fail to reject the null hypothesis.
CONCLUSION
This study set out to explore the inconsistencies in the association between parent conflict and IPV (Cummings, E. M., Iannotti, R. J., & Zahn-Waxler, C., 1985). The present study’s null findings contribute to the literature’s complex understanding of how parent conflict may influence IPV. As such, it seems that college students at a private university do not have to contend with IPV with respect to how much they saw their parents fight, let alone other personal characteristics.
REFERENCES
Cummings, E. M., Iannotti, R. J., & Zahn-Waxler, C. (1985). Influence of conflict between adults on the emotions and aggression of young children. Developmental Psychology, 21(3), 495–507.
Davies, P. T., Myers, R. L., & Cummings, E. M. (1996). Responses of children and adolescents to marital conflict scenarios as a function of the emotionality of conflict endings. Merrill- Palmer Quarterly, 42(1), 1–21.
Rhoades, K. A. (2008). Children’s responses to interparental conflict: A meta-analysis of their associations with child adjustment. Child Development, 79(6), 1942–1956.


